Qualitative Analysis of the Local Model of Gender Justice, Hijab, and Family in the Lived Experience of Women in Khorram’ābād

Extended Abstract
 
Introduction and Objectives: The family, as the most fundamental social institution in Iran, alongside religion, plays a central role in maintaining cultural and social stability. From an Islamic psychological perspective, the family is not only the foundation of individuals’ mental health but also a source of tranquility, affection, and mercy. However, recent transformations resulting from modernization, globalization, and socio-economic changes have redefined gender patterns and family roles, confronting the Iranian family with multidimensional challenges that can affect psychological well-being.
The issue of hijab and women’s status has become a key point of contention between traditional, modern, and Islamic discourses, where Islamic psychology views hijab not merely as covering but as a factor for psychological security and preserving women’s dignity in family and society. The Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution has introduced the concept of the “third model of woman” as an indigenous and balanced framework based on Quranic teachings and tradition, which sees woman as a complete being possessing dignity, active in both family and society. This model emphasizes gender justice, balance of rights and duties, and prioritization of maternal and spousal roles.
Despite this, the prominent presence of women in education, employment, and social participation, along with the growth of new gender discourses in recent decades, indicates the relative influence of feminist intellectual currents on Iranian women’s attitudes. Islamic feminism, as a controversial approach, attempts to present a modern reading of Islamic teachings and women’s roles by emphasizing gender equality and social justice. However, some researchers believe that Islamic feminism often reproduces Western feminist assumptions in an Islamized form.
The main objective of this research is to explore the lived experiences of women in Khorramabad regarding hijab and family to examine the degree of compatibility or conflict between Islamic feminism discourses and the third model of woman with the cultural-religious realities of Iranian society, and to identify the indigenous conceptual model governing participants’ everyday attitudes.
Method: This research employed a qualitative approach using the thematic analysis method based on Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-step framework. Participants were 35 married and single women residing in Khorramabad city, selected through purposive maximum variation sampling to cover a wide range of experiences and attitudes. Participants ranged in age from 20 to 55 years (12 in the 20-30 age group, 15 in the 31-45 age group, and 8 in the 46-55 age group). Regarding marital status, 21 were married and 14 were single (never married, divorced, or widowed). Educational levels included 8 with high school diplomas, 14 with bachelor’s degrees, 10 with master’s degrees, and 3 with doctorates. Employment status included 20 employed and 15 homemakers, with diverse intellectual orientations including traditional, religious, modern, feminist, and socially active perspectives.
Data were collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews centered on fundamental research questions (gender justice, attitudes toward hijab, the position of maternal and spousal roles, influence of Islamic feminism, and tradition-modernity conflict). Each interview lasted between 45 to 90 minutes. All interviews were conducted with participants’ informed consent in a safe environment without the presence of others, recorded, and then fully transcribed. The complete interview texts were repeatedly and line-by-line read, and independent meaning units were identified. Initial coding was conducted inductively without presuppositions, and 150 unique codes were extracted and preserved exactly from participants’ speech.
Initial codes were grouped based on meaning repetition, conceptual connection, and comprehensive data coverage, forming nine potential themes. In the review stage, themes were examined for internal coherence and comprehensive coverage, and through data-driven integration reduced to five main themes. Thematic naming was completely inductive based on participants’ language, and the theoretical framework was introduced only in the final interpretation stage as a comparative lens. Theoretical saturation was confirmed, and validation was achieved through code-theme matrix mapping, precise process documentation, and peer review.
Results: The analysis revealed five main themes in a hierarchical, tree-like pattern:

Family Roles (Sacred but Negotiable Maternal Identity and Flexible Division) — 38 codes, 25.3%. Participants described motherhood as a source of identity, inspiration, and even worship, but emphasized that it should not be the only role or restrictive. They expressed: “Motherhood means giving inspiration to children and family” and emphasized flexible, negotiated role division based on consent and cooperation.
Gender Justice (Harmony in Natural Differences or Complete Equality) — 32 codes, 21.3%. Regarding gender justice, participants either interpreted justice as “complete equality in rights, opportunities, decision-making, and responsibilities” or as “harmony and balance in roles based on natural differences and the complementarity of men and women.”
Hijab (Conscious Choice or Religious Identity Guaranteeing Dignity) — 22 codes, 14.7%. Regarding hijab, it was viewed either as “individual choice within the framework of freedom, personal ethics, and awareness” or as “religious duty, collective identity, and guarantor of dignity and security.”
Law and Power in the Family (Guardianship as Support or Domination) — 28 codes, 18.7%. Law (divorce, guardianship, alimony, dowry) was interpreted either as “a source of support, responsibility, and protection” or as “a source of control, structural inequality, and male domination.”
The Search for Indigenous Balance (The Third Path of Iranian Women) — 30 codes, 20%. Participants—particularly young, educated, urban women—sought an independent indigenous path that is neither the Western model (absolute individualism) nor dry tradition (absolute restriction). This path emerges from women’s religious reinterpretation, integration of independence and family-centrism, and hope for building a more just family. The central core of this tree was “both family-centered and independent.”

Discussion and Conclusions: The findings demonstrate that participants in practice live an indigenous and dynamic model that conceptualizes gender justice as balanced, hijab as identity-forming yet conscious, maternal and spousal roles as sacred and identity-building yet flexible, guardianship as supportive rather than dominating, and women’s independence and social participation as possible within a family-centered framework. This model, aligned with the components of the third model of woman and consistent with Islamic psychology principles (emotional balance and psychological tranquility in the family), transcends either absolute Islamic feminism or rigid traditionalism, representing a practical, family-centered discourse in Iran’s local society.
From a policy perspective, results indicate the necessity of supporting working mothers through workplace childcare facilities and paternity leave to reduce dual-role pressure. Gender education in schools and media emphasizing balanced justice and explaining conscious hijab rather than compulsory hijab could help reduce value conflicts. Reforming family laws with a supportive approach—particularly regarding divorce (mutual right and shared custody), alimony, dowry, blood money, and testimony—is another policy implication. Strengthening women’s ijtihad and dynamic jurisprudence in seminaries could facilitate contemporary interpretations responsive to Muslim women’s current needs.
This research had limitations including focus on Khorramabad city without covering other Iranian regions with different cultural contexts, as well as the inherent limitation of qualitative approaches in generalizing results. Comparative research in other Iranian provinces and cities using mixed methods (qualitative-quantitative) is recommended to test the generalizability of the “third path of Iranian women” model. Longitudinal research examining changes in women’s lived discourse over time and assessing the role of variables such as economic class, ethnicity, and urbanization type is also suggested.
The living discourse of participants is a living tree rooted in family, nourished by the trunk of justice and hijab, pruned by the branches of reformed law, and bearing fruit in the crown of indigenous balance. This model—neither absolute Islamic feminism nor dry traditionalism—represents a practical, hopeful discourse emerging from lived experience, promising a balanced and dignity-centered future.
Acknowledgment: The author expresses sincere gratitude to all the women of Khorramabad who participated in this study and shared their lived experiences with honesty and openness. Thanks are also extended to the research assistants who contributed to data transcription and coding, as well as the peer reviewers who provided valuable feedback during the validation process.
Conflict of Interests: The author declares no conflict of interest regarding the publication of this paper. The research was conducted independently without any financial or institutional pressure that could influence the findings or interpretations. All funding for this research was provided by the author without any external sponsorship that might create a conflict of interest.